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The Role of Anecdotal
Information in Monetary Policy
William Poole*
President, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
The Bank of Korea International Conference on Monetary Policy
in an Environment of Low Inflation
Seoul, Korea
Conference Session “General Discussion”
June 16, 2006
*I appreciate comments provided by my colleagues at the Federal
Reserve Bank of St. Louis. Robert H. Rasche, senior vice president
and director of research, provided special assistance. I take full
responsibility for errors. The views expressed are mine and do not
necessarily reflect official positions of the Federal Reserve System.
The Role of Anecdotal Information in Monetary Policy
I’ll use my discussion time to make a simple
argument—that in a low inflation environment, further improvements
in reducing the variances of inflation and employment will require
increased attention to informal, or anecdotal information. Before
developing that argument, I offer the usual Fed disclaimer that
the views I express here are mine and do not necessarily reflect
official positions of the Federal Reserve System. I thank my colleagues
at the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis for their comments, especially
Robert Rasche, but I retain full responsibility for errors.
Central bankers around the world are currently faced with a challenge
not experienced in over 40 years: maintaining low and stable inflation
now that it has been achieved for more than a passing quarter or
two. In the aftermath of the Great Inflation, the primary objective
of monetary policy was clear and distinctly one-sided: Bring inflation
down to achieve a low and stable long-term rate of inflation. In
the early 1990s, inflation subsided to levels that are widely regarded
as roughly consistent with price stability, and the short-run volatility
of inflation became substantially smaller. This observation applies
to countries that adopted formal inflation targets and to countries
such as the United States where monetary policy inflation objectives
are asserted only qualitatively.
Today central banks are concerned with two-sided risk with respect
to their inflation objective. On the one hand, no one wants to see
an upward drift of inflation, either sudden or gradual, and on the
other hand no central bank wants a systemic deflationary environment.
In the United States it is likely that the inflation rate bottomed
out in 2003, around the time that the FOMC expressed concern that
“...the probability of an unwelcome substantial fall in inflation,
though minor, exceeds that of a pickup in inflation from its already
low level.” (1)
Now, approximately three years later, after a period of strong
economic growth in many parts of the world and demand driven increases
in energy prices, the perceived risk has shifted in the other direction.
The current assessment of the FOMC is summarized in its statement
following its meeting in May 2006:
As yet, the run-up in the prices of energy and other commodities
appears to have had only a modest effect on core inflation, ongoing
productivity gains have helped to hold the growth of unit labor
costs in check, and inflation expectations remain contained. Still,
possible increases in resource utilization, in combination with
the elevated prices of energy and other commodities, have the
potential to add to inflation pressures.(2)
Meeting the challenge of sustaining a low-inflation environment
may require new approaches to policy analysis. Policymakers understand
that their actions do not generate immediate responses in the economy,
which is why they must look out into the future. Perfect foresight
may be a useful construct for theoretical analyses, but policymakers
in practice must make their decisions with full knowledge of the
normal range of forecast errors. Economic forecasts are rooted in
statistical models estimated from historical data and the model
forecasts are then modified, often substantially, through the application
of expert judgment. Experience indicates that forecasting inflation
is hardly precise and that forecasting models are not robust.
Stock and Watson summarize their experiments with numerous forecasting
models for inflation across seven industrial economies:
These forecasting successes, however, are isolated and sporadic....
For example, the seasonal no-change forecast works well in the
United States in the second period but poorly in the first, a
similar pattern as in Canada (but the opposite pattern as in the
United Kingdom). (3)
The only set of predictors that usually improves upon the AR
[autoregressive] forecasts is the measures of economic activity.
For example, the IP [Industrial Production] and unemployment gaps
both improve on the AR (or are little worse than the AR) for both
periods for Canada, Germany and the United States. Even for these
predictors, however, the improvement is neither universal nor
always stable. (4)
Economists have long understood that control theory implies that
the more successful a central bank is in achieving and maintaining
a low inflation environment, the smaller are the correlations between
the control objective—here, the inflation rate—and the
instruments that a policymaker has available to affect the economy.
Years ago Solow and Kareken provided a straightforward illustration
of this proposition:
Suppose that by heroic (and perhaps even cyclical) variation
in the money supply and its rate of change, the Federal Reserve
manages deftly to counter all disturbing impulses and to stabilize
the level of economic activity absolutely. Then an observer following
the Friedman method would see peaks and troughs of monetary change
accompanied by a steady level of aggregate activity. He would
presumably conclude that monetary policy has no effects at all,
which would be precisely the opposite of the truth.
(5)
The observation that correlations are changing or disappearing
does not mean that the economy has fundamentally changed. In particular,
it is likely that the correlation between the growth of monetary
aggregates and the inflation rate (or even nominal income growth)
will be small in low inflation environments. Yet central bankers
who fail to monitor the growth rates of monetary aggregates do so
at their own peril. History illustrates that rapid and accelerating
monetary growth, positive or negative, is a recipe for the demise
of the low inflation regime into inflation or deflation. Just because
a low inflation environment has been established, central bankers
cannot print money without restraint. Large correlations, then,
provide evidence that the central bank has failed to exploit relevant
information; as policy becomes more effective, correlations tend
toward zero.
In a low inflation environment, the stability of expectations
of long-run inflation is certainly one, and perhaps the single most
important, element in the continued success of the low inflation
policy. Of first importance is that such expectations remain “well
contained” or “well anchored.” In rational expectations
models of the macroeconomy, monetary policy rules specified with
a nominal interest rate instrument require a constant expected long-term
(or equilibrium) expected rate of inflation to assure the existence
of an equilibrium rate of inflation. The familiar “Taylor
Rule” contains a π* term, the desired rate of
inflation of the monetary authorities. Note that in the Taylor Rule
the term is π* not π*t.(6)
In such models, π* is the “anchor” on
which the long-term expected inflation rate of private agents is
based. If the inflation objective is time-varying, or is perceived
by private agents as time-varying, then long-term inflation expectations
become unglued and the inflation rate will not remain low and stable;
indeed depending on how the desired inflation rate of the policymakers
is perceived, inflation can become a self-fulfilling explosive process.
Such models provide insight into how to conduct monetary policy
that will successfully sustain a low and stable inflation environment:
the monetary authorities must clearly communicate their inflation
policy objectives. The communication must be symmetric: private
agents must understand what rates of inflation are unacceptably
high and what are unacceptably low to the central bank. Central
banks that announce explicit numeric inflation objectives go a long
way towards satisfying this communication objective. However announcements
must be confirmed by deeds. Central banks must demonstrate that
they are prepared to act decisively against sustained deviations
from their announced objective. Further, to preserve the credibility
of the announced inflation objective, changes in the announced objective
must be undertaken sparingly and infrequently, and certainly not
in directions away from low rates of inflation. If the central bank
loses credibility with respect to the announced inflation target,
then long-term inflation expectations of private agents will become
disconnected from the target, and the economy will begin to drag
its nominal anchor.
Central bankers may be reluctant to take decisive policy actions
as actual inflation approaches a perceived boundary of price stability
because of their imprecise forecasts of inflation and economic activity.
Faced with an uncertain view of the future, the natural tendency
of policymakers is to wait for further information on the state
of the economy. In the absence of decisive policy actions, central
bankers may be able to stabilize long-term inflation expectations
by clarifying their vision of price stability. The text in the minutes
of the May 2003 FOMC meeting is an example of such a clarification:
Given the pressure of a considerable amount of unused resources,
any adverse developments that held down economic expansion would
increase the probability of further disinflation. Members commented
that substantial additional disinflation would be unwelcome because
of the likely negative effects on economic activity and the functioning
of financial institutions and markets, and the increased difficulty
of conducting an effective monetary policy, at least potentially
in the event the economy was subjected to adverse shocks.
(7)
Note that these minutes provide symmetry to the concerns of FOMC
participants about inflation: they reveal that the implicit inflation
objective of the Committee evaluated downside as well as upside
risk.
A difficult question facing central bankers is how to judge when
inflation expectations remain anchored. One way to approach this
question it to ask what critical data might be expected to show
different characteristics when inflation expectations are “well
anchored” compared to when they are coming unglued. Most such
data will require direct or indirect measures of inflation expectations.
Survey data on inflation expectations provide some evidence, but
typically have limitations such as small sample size, nonscientific
sample design and a restricted population from which survey respondents
are drawn. The introduction, over the past decade in a number of
countries, of inflation-indexed long-term government debt instruments
and the emergence of liquid secondary markets in such securities
offers additional information.
In an economy with well-anchored inflation expectations, it can
be expected that those expectations would not be highly responsive
to changes in the observed rate of inflation. A limitation of survey
data in this respect is that historically they have been characterized
by strong persistence. For example, in the 34 quarterly Surveys
of Professional Forecasters conducted by the Federal Reserve Bank
of Philadelphia since the second quarter of 1998, the average 10
year-ahead forecast of CPI inflation has differed from 2.5 percent
on only five occasions. On those five occasions, the range of the
average forecast was from 2.3 percent to 2.6 percent.
In contrast, with highly liquid markets for both nominal and indexed
government debt of comparable maturity, it is possible to observe
both real interest rates and inflation compensation. If inflation
expectations are well-anchored, the correlation between changes
in yields on nominal securities and indexed securities should be
quite high. At the opposite end of the spectrum, if inflation expectations
become unanchored, then the correlation between changes in these
yields should be much lower. In the extreme of highly unstable inflation
expectations, changes in nominal yields will be dominated by changes
in inflation expectations and the correlation of changes in nominal
and real yields will approach zero.
In the absence of precise statistical forecasting models, another
potentially useful source of information to assess the stability
of inflation expectations and the likely course of the real economy
is real-time anecdotal information. The drawback of anecdotal information
is that there is no scientific basis for the sample. Yet the accumulation
of forward-looking anecdotal information at critical times can be
informative. An example can be drawn from the recently released
transcripts of the FOMC meetings of October, November and December,
2000. At that time, the best inference from statistical forecasting
models was that economic growth in the U.S. would gradually slow
from the very high rate of the first half of the year to rates that
were regarded as more sustainable. Yet, also at that time, more
and more FOMC participants were reporting stories indicating sharply
slowing conditions from an ever increasing number of respondents.
We now measure real growth in the second half of 2000 as less than
1 percent (annual rate), with negative growth in the third quarter.
In this instance the anecdotes gave a better early warning signal
of the turn in activity than did the forecasting models.
A similar situation may prevail today. Statistical studies to
detect pass-through from recent energy price increases have failed
to show significant effects in U.S. price data but stories about
widespread pass-through are becoming increasingly common. We may—and
I emphasize “may” because my purpose is to make a general
point and not to conduct a full analysis of the current situation—face
more inflation pressure than currently shows up in formal data.
The general point is that the more successful are policymakers in
exploiting regularities in formal data, the more they will have
to rely on anecdotal information to make further progress in stabilizing
inflation. Refining collection and analysis of anecdotal information
promises earlier policy responses to changing economic conditions.
The Federal Reserve already devotes substantial resources to making
judgmental adjustments to its formal forecasting model but my hunch
is that there will be significant improvements in policy analysis
from strengthening our sources of anecdotal information.
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Footnotes
- FOMC Press Release, May 6, 2003.
- FOMC Press Release, May 10, 2006.
- J.H. Stock and M.W. Watson, “Forecasting Output and Inflation:
The Role of Asset Prices,” Journal of Economic Literature,
September, 2003, 41, p. 805.
- J.H. Stock and M.W. Watson, “Forecasting Output and Inflation:
The Role of Asset Prices,” Journal of Economic Literature,
September, 2003, 41, p. 808.
- R. M. Solow and J. Kareken, “Lags in Monetary Policy”,
in A. Ando, E.C. Brown, R.M. Solow and J. Kareken, “Lags
in Fiscal and Monetary Policy,” in Commission on Money and
Credit, Stabilization Policies, Englewood Cliffs NJ:
Prentice-Hall, 1963, p. 16.
- There is an ongoing debate in the monetary policy literature
over “instrument rules” versus “targeting rules.”
See for example, B.T. McCallum and E. Nelson, “Targeting
versus Instrument Rules for Monetary Policy,” Federal Reserve
Bank of St. Louis Review, September/October 2005, 87(5),
pp.597-612 and L.E.O. Svensson, “Targeting versus Instrument
Rules for Monetary Policy: What is Wrong with McCallum and Nelson?”
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Review, September/October
2005, 87(5), pp.613-626. In both approaches it is important that
the policy rules specify π*, not π*t.
- Minutes, FOMC Meeting of May 6, 2003, www.federalreserve.gov/fomc/minutes/20030506.htm.
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